A Decade of Change: Measuring the Extent, Depth, and Severity of Food Insecurity by Kelly Stamper Balisteri is an article about a study focused on food insecurity in the US. Food insecurity is the lack of consistent access to adequate amounts of food, and this study shows how problematic it continues to be in the US. Rates of food insecurity have been on the rise since 2000, and climaxed during the Great Recession in 2008. Even with improvements of the economy, food insecurity has remained high for many households, mostly because of the rise of inflation and the price increase of food. The methods used to collect data for the study on food insecurity, was by Current Population Surveys (CPS) that were given at three chosen time points. The three time points chosen for analysis were 2001 to 2003, 2006 to 2008, and 2011 to 2013. The time points used in the study assess the beginning of the decade, the time of the recession, and post recession. In order to measure food security, the USDA developed the household food security scale to measure the severity of food insecurity in the previous twelve months. From the food security questionnaire, the Food Insecurity Index (FII) was created to find the degree of how food insecure a household was. The study examines the severity of food insecurity along the decade by race and ethnicity, and by low income households with and without children. Table 1 shows that there has been no recovery since the Great Recession in any measure from low to very low food security in households that are low-income, with children. Food insecurity has increased the most for low-income households without children. Another way food insecurity was measured, food insecurity by race and ethnicity, shows how food insecurity has affected Black, Hispanic, and White households with children. First, low-income Black households with children had the highest food insecurity among low-income households. Second, there was almost no change for low-income Hispanic households with children. Third, low-income White households with children experienced the highest increase in all three indices, extent, depth, and severity of food insecurity. The findings of the study show that low-income non Hispanic Black households, both with and without children, are the most disadvantaged and is growing worse. Hispanic low-income households haven't experienced much change, and on the other hand low-income White households have increased the most across all measures of food insecurity over the past decade. The article suggests a reason for the findings, and it could be due to employment of people of different race and ethnicity in the Great Recession and during the recovery of it. For example, during the Great Recession and during the recovery, employment level for Hispanics increased by about four percent. For Blacks and Whites, employment levels remained about five percent under the levels from the beginning of the recession.
The article, Revisiting the Contact Hypothesis: The Case of Public Exposure to Homelessness by Barrett A. Lee, revisits the contact theory which entails that contact between an in-group with a certain out-group will improve the attitude of an in-group's ignorant knowledge of the out-group and disconfirm stereotypes of the out-group. In the new study, the research addresses three areas that were absent in the literature of the contact hypothesis. In this study the homeless are the out-group, and the goal of the study is to find how contact with homeless people affect the attitudes of in-group people. The methods used to test the hypothesis, were collected from a national telephone survey that was fielded in 1990 by Columbia University researchers. More than two hundred metropolitan and nonmetropolitan phone exchanges in the United States occurred. They were occupied households, and there was one adult per sampled household. Also, each adult was offered a ten dollar incentive to participate in an average forty minute interview. 1,507 interviews were completed by the investigators. Nine specific multi-item scales and an overall attitude scale are treated as the dependent variables. The first four scales is what we call the cognitive-rational dimension. The cognitive-rational dimension goes over the perceived causes of homelessness and the perceived characteristics of homeless people. There is both positive and negative attitudes that include the in-group blaming the economy being a positive attitude, and blaming the individual being the negative attitude. The next three attitude scales have the respondents describe their feelings about homelessness. Positive emotions would include expressing sadness for the homeless, and negative emotions would be the respondent becoming angry and complaining about the number of homeless in society. The other two scales measure the respondent's policy views. This entails if the respondent feels that it is acceptable for the homeless to beg, tent, or sleep in public places. The independent variables in the study were the fourteen exposure measures that are described in Table 1 in the article. They are Television shows, Articles, Conversation, Neighborhood, Week, Positive behavior, Negative behavior, Shelter, Panhandling, Positive contact, Acquaintance, Ever homeless, Homeless kin, and Homeless friend. The fourteen exposure measures are combined into four dimensions of exposure which are Information, Observation, Interaction, and Membership. From the study, it was found that the more exposure to homelessness, the more supportive someone will be. The data explains fairly well how White people responded to homelessness, but the exception of the study was how Black people responded to homelessness. In Table 2 it shows that when a person has more exposure to homelessness, then it caused them to have negative attitudes toward the homeless. The study found that people with less exposure and a lot of exposure to homelessness have more negative attitudes toward homelessness, and people with some exposure had positive attitudes toward homelessness.